The above quotations are but proof that when defeats are spoken of they are meant as defeats of political centralism; of party policies. The reasons of these defeats are shown by the contents of this book.
GEO. WILLIAMS. Feb. 10th, 1922.
Author's Preface
WHEN the Russian Revolution broke out and czarism was overthrown, there was not a socialist who did not greet this revolution with joy. All, from the most moderate state socialist and reformist to the most radical anarchist, yes, even the liberals of Europe, saw progress in the overthrow of czarism. When later Kerensky wanted to steer the wreck of the Russian ship of state into the safe harbor of the entente, and continued the war against Germany, dissatisfaction arose among the Russian masses, for was it not peace that the revolution was going to bring them! When Kerensky, with the coalition Miljukov and Gutschkov, threw himself in the arms of the entente, he, naturally, could not fulfill the peace wishes of the Russian people. It was evident that the revolutionary wave would not stop but keep on rolling further in the direction of peace. For that reason, the party that put peace on its program had the greatest prospect of winning,.' And that party was the bolsheviks.
The political reasons for a bolshevik victory were at hand. To these political reasons were added psychologic and economic reasons.
The psychologic reasons: The Russian people had for centuries lived under the rule of czarism. The autocracy at the top did everything to keep alive the respect for authority at the bot^ torn. This respect for authority has penetrated so deeply into the life of the people that it even had set its mark on the relations between the peasants themselves in their daily life. Symbolic of this is the word "Little Father." One of the strongest factors for preserving this respect was religion. The Catholicism of the Orthodox Greek Church has even today its strongest support in Russia. The revolution has shaken faith in czarist authority, but has not completely eradicated it. Faith in authority continues to live in Russia and is even to-day stronger than in England or America. For this reason it was natural that the new political system would become authoritarian to the extent that faith in authority still existed. Bolshevism is an authoritarian system. Theoretically it professes to be Marxian, i. e.y authoritarian-socialist.
The economic reasons: Already during the Kerensky period dissatisfaction grew, and with it the demand for independence grew also among the workers. The workers, represented by the Workers' Councils or the Factory Committees, did not want to remain the wage slaves of the factory owners any longer. They wanted to dispossess the factory owners and take over the factories themselves. After ,a long-drawn struggle they finally succeeded in this, in a favorable moment. But, as they were in no way prepared to take over production, and as they had no unions, which could have undertaken that task, the first period after the taking over of the factories by the workers was notable for a general break-down. The workers did work for themselves butnot for society. They had no industrial unions of their own; what little organization they had was too little developed, and, consequently, in this general break-down, a strong centralistic party was the only power that could in any way combat chaos. One might even say that it was lucky that the bolshevik party was at hand and was vigorous enough to undertake it. Otherwise, perhaps, a non-socialist party, the Cadets, might have payed the way for immediate reaction. Thus, as it happened, the ideal of socialism was not realized, but under the given circumstances it was the only way out. Another economic factor was the support of the effort made by the peasants to take the land away from the large land owners. The economic factors in city and country were consequently, favorable to a bolshevik victory.