5. To battle against the counter-revolutionary CzeckO'-Slovaks and all other attempts of the imperialists in the most forcible way, not forgetting, however, that the extremely revolutionary bolshevik party has become stationary and reactionary.
6. To transfer the distribution of the food stuffs and other necessities into the hands of the organizations of the workers and peasants directly and to discontinue the armed excursions into the country, for through these measures the farmers become the enemies of the workers, the solidarity between workers and peasants weakens, and the revolutionary front is played into the hands of the counter-revolutionists.
But no hard and fast program has been put up by the anarcho-syndicalists. In order to get a clear understanding of their standpoint one must turn to the resolutions in their congresses and their publications. For this reason I have asked one of the most notable anarcho-syndicalists of Moscow, A. Shapiro, for an explanation of his standpoint and here I will give the most important points:
1. Fundamental rule: Outside the proletariat, the policy of the present state of society is anti-revolutionary and counter-revolutionary. Parliamentarism, consequently, is counter-revolutionary, while it lies outside the proletariat. The policy inside the ranks of the proletariat is in the most intimate manner connected with the economic life. Revolutionary economic policy and revolutionary proletarian policy are the driving forces of the social revolution.
2. If a revolution is to assume a social character it must be laid put on the broadest foundation, that is, the annihilation of the existing state machinery, the overthrow of capitalism and all its resources ; bourgeoisie, liberalism, phrase socialism, middle class; the organization of a new society must be worked out on the basis of economic independence under negation and abolition of the wage system.
3. The dictatorship of the proletariat, so-called, must not be anything but a tool in the hand of the revolutionary people. Characteristic of every dictatorship is that it hides within itself the tendency to autocracy, in so far as it is a true dictatorship. A dictatorship of the proletariat can, consequently, never exist. When the class struggle comes to such a stage that the working class is on top and the other classes underneath, the other classes will always try to get their property back. It will, therefore, be a small part of the proletariat that carries the responsibility. But no party can do this, neither a communist, nor an anarchist. The parties have the knowledge, the theoretical basis, and also the great ideals, but they have not the spirit of the transition. A party must with necessity always be dogmatic.
4. A social revolution is an economic revolution. The annihilation of capitalism, the control of all the industries and of the economic life through the workers. The enemy class cares little about the form of the state, it cares for capitalism, the economic system, the factories, etc. On this ground the most natural and best qualified carrier of the social revolution is the revolutionary labor organizations, the unions. Without the participation of these no social revolution can be successful.
5. On this ground one could, at most, speak of the dictatorship of the revolutionary labor organizations inside the proletariat. The deeper the revolutionary political parties dive down into the revolutionary proletarian mass, the shorter will be the period of transition.
6. It is not in the first place a question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, but of the building of a body which is created by the proletariat for the maintenance of the social gains of the revolution. The dictatorship of one party over the proletariat leads to a soul-less mechanism, being that the party recognizes the principles of discipline and not the tactics of true life.