path and then a steep bank, 10 or 12 feet high, which completely sheltered us from the enemy's fire, and where in two minutes we might have reformed and advanced in good order to the attack; but there was not a second to lose — the Light Division had already suffered fearfully and were pushing on to the redoubt. We were required to support them immediately and had to scramble up the bank in our broken and disordered state. Arrived at the top we found ourselves at the foot of a natural glacis about 450 yards from the redoubt, the ground sloping gradually up and entirely exposed to the enem^'^'s fire. I think that about this time the fire of the enemy's artillery began to cease, and that they must have begun to draw off their heavy guns, otherwise we must have captured more than we did; we advanced some distance up the slope, without yet commencing to fire, and already were the 7th and 23rd close to the parapet of the breastwork when the murderous fire from behind it forced them to fall back, which they did upon us, throwing us into worse confusion than we were already in, so that we had to rally our men before we could advance in our turn. In the meantime the enemy, seeing a momentary check, rushed out of the work — foolish fellows. I do not think one returned to it; they were shot down, I believe, to a man. By this time our battalion was got together for the first time in tolerable order since we entered the vinej'^ards, and then a short rush made them masters of the redoubt, which they were the first to enter, and the day was now won all along the line. The steadiness and pluck of our officers and men in rallying in theway they did under a murderous fire, without at the time being able to return a single shot, owing to the stragglers of the 7th and 23rd, who still remained in our front, was most praiseworthy. Never, I am sure, did an army behave better throughout all ranks, and the praise that has been bestowed upon the Light and ist Divisions, who really had all the work, is most gratifying. I am, of course, unable to give you any account of the French operations, which were too far off,
but they did their work nobly. The Russians confess to 5000 killed and wounded, and have consequently lost much more. We bivouacked on the field till Saturday rnorning to remove our wounded and bury the dead, when we marched for the Katschka, the next river, where the ground was, if possible, more formidable than at the Alma, but capable of being turned by the sea. The next day (Sunday) we crossed the Belbek, where the enemy might have made a more formidable stand than ever, but there was not a man to oppose us. We bivouacked within 4 miles of Sebastopol, and started the next day (Monday) to march round to the south side of Sebastopol. This was a very bold and difficult manoeuvre, for we had to change our base and make a flank movement round the town to get to Balaclava. We marched for ten hours, and in the course of it came upon the rear of a body of 20,000 Russians — an hour earlier and we should have probably taken them all prisoners; as it was, we captured a large amount of stores and ammunition and a few guns. So great was their panic that many of them threw away their arms and their knapsacks and dispersed in all directions. They have evidently a wholesome recollection of the river Alma. On Tuesday we marched to Balaclava, which we took after firing a few shots, and where some of the Fleet are now disembarking the battery train and ammunition for the siege, and where we have now established our base of operations. We are now 7 miles from Sebastopol, and in about three days, when all the guns are landed, shall begin the siege. We are all in great health and spirits, and certain, please God, of another victory.... — Your affectionate brother,
Fredk. Stephenson.
To Lady Stephenson
Camp before Sebastopol, October 22, 1854.
My dear Mother, —... I am so totally devoid of writing materials that you must not be surprised at
1 854] BEFORE SEBASTOPOL 105