The rebellion of Petlura was not so much under the banner of nationalism as under that of Socialism and partly also of Bolshevism. The radical watchwords of the city gave expression to the general sentiment, particularly the desire of the villagers to obtain complete rights of disposition of the soil. This demand had the support not only of the rich peasants under the leadership of the "independent" socialists, but also of the middle peasants under the leadership of the social-
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ist parties of the left. The city proletariat inclined to the Bolsheviki. Petlura entered Kiev as a national hero, but he was followed by his shadow, the Bolshevist Soviet power. As early as the middle of November there was formed in Kursk the Ukrainian Soviet Government, which began a campaign against the Directory. Advancing from north to south, the Bolsheviki occupied Gomel, Glukhov, Sumy, Kharkov, Yekaterinoslav, and finally on the second of February, Kiev; Kharkov having been occupied by the Red Army even before Petlura' s entrance into Kiev.
The international position of the Directory was also altogether difficult. Their negotiations with the Entente and Rumania through General Grekov in Odessa led to no result. The Entente held fast to the principle of a "united and undivided Russia" and supported Denikin.
Fermentation began among the troops of the Directory. These may be divided into two groups, insurrectionist and regular troops. When Petlura entered Kiev in December, 1918, at the head of the Directory, the peasant rebels formed the majority of his military force. Radically disposed as a result of the long guerilla warfare against the rule of the Germans and the Hetman, they formed at that time a disciplined mass, who had been for a great part through the school of the imperialistic war. In general, however, this mass was politically unstable and always divided, protecting the Ukrainian Republic whenever there was danger on the right, and becoming disloyal when there was a rebellion on the left. The regular troops were mainly enrolled in Odessa through the so-called military Rada, which stood under the military and political leadership of the most reactionary elements in the
Ukrainian national movement (the independents, Ataman-Verbitski and Doctor Luzenko), from the circles of the wealthiest peasants as well as the nationalistically minded mobs of Ukrainia. These formed the bands of Gaidamaks. They were joined by the Galician sharpshooters who had been war prisoners in Germany and had received there a particular Ukrainian nationalistic training. At the head of the army was a group of reactionaries. The political leadership was in the hands of the "independent*' Doctor Luzenko, the military leadership was in the hands of Konovaletz. Kavenko was emissary.
The leaders were confronted by an enormously difficult problem, that of welding into a unit a mass of troops in which the majority were radical while the minority were in favor of a national military dictatorship. Such a fusion of the army was an absolute necessity. The anti-Semitic agitation began. The bands of Gaidamaks had long been hostile to the Jews. At a time when the relations were still friendly, a number of Jews were attacked by them with the cry, "Cut down the Jews!" Konovaletz, the military leader of the troops of the Directory, selected for this special purpose from the Gaidamaks two Ukrainian Cossacks and certain well disciplined bands, held together by their common hatred of the Bolsheviki and the Jews. These were the so-called "Kureni Smerti" (Clans of Death). Here also belonged special bands under the leadership of various "Batki." These bands were united by love of fighting in common, by reverence for and obedience to the Batko and by various peculiar privileges which they enjoyed. "They fight well, therefore they are permitted to plunder." This was the judgment of the military chiefs.
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