ssia it might at first sight appear that a country at once so vast and so backward in civilisation would find ample employment for the wisest and most energetic ruler in endeavours to develop in all directions — physical, intellectual, and moral — its latent resources, rather than in the maintenance of great armies for designs of conquest. And that this course would greatly increase the wealth and influence of Russia, and the happiness of its people, cannot te
2 Why Russia covets Constantinople.
doubted. But there are other considerations which have prevailed to dictate a policy of aggression.
In the first place, what we call progress is opposed to absolutism. If the immense populations of such vast portions of the earth were imbued with the ideas of the peoples of Europe, they would no longer submit to the will of one man ; and when under these circumstances a Czar should become impossible, no one can say what kind of government, or what number of separate governments, might replace him. For the maintenance of his power it is necessary to keep the people ignorant, and, further, to divert their attention from their own lot by fixing it on the alluring spectacle of foreign conquests.
Yet, besides this motive, it must be confessed that a great temptation stands for ever before the eye of a Czar when he looks towards Turkey. He sees there all that Russia wants to give her power and prosperity commensurate with the extent of her dominion. He sees the beautiful harbours of the Bosphorus, whence a Russian navy, secured from all enemies by the narrow passage of the Dardanelles, might dominate the Mediterranean ; and he sees, too, a city marked out by nature to become a splendid capital, and an overflowing emporium of commerce. Possessed of these, he need set no limit to his dreams of the greatness of Russia. It is not surprising, therefore, if a race of rulers, not less unscrupulous and ambitious than autocrats in general have proved to be, should always have looked on Constantinople as what ought to be their own.
Fortunately for Turkey, and the world, there are
Why other Powers oppose her Desire. 3
many difficulties in the way of the realisation of these aspirations. No other Power can desire that a rival should attain to such an overshadowing height. Neither England, nor France, nor Italy, nor Germany, could with indifference see Russia acquire such means of bringing her huge force to bear. And Austria has an interest beyond others in preventing the design. For Russia, if established in Turkey, would enclose within her new territory a large portion of the Austrian Empire, producing there a state of permanent insecurity and alarm, and would, moreover, include and control the lower Danube.
It is, therefore, only at some favourable conjuncture that Russia can hope to prosecute her cherished design. And in the beginning of 1853 circumstances seemed to be exceptionally promising. The Emperor of Austria, almost a boy, repaid with affection and reverence the kindness evinced for him by the potent and experienced autocrat. He was, too, under an obligation of the most onerous kind to his great neighbour, who, when Austria was almost crushed by Hungary, had intervened, suppressed the revolt, and restored the discontented kingdom to its allegiance. Moreover, the Kaiser had allowed himself just then to assume an attitude menacing to the Porte, for, in suppressing an insurrection in Montenegro, the Turkish troops, operating near the Austrian frontier, had received from him a peremptory notice to withdraw. The Czar had readily joined in enforcing the demand, and thus it happened that Austria found herself acting with Russia against Turkey — a position which illus-
4 Why the Time seemed Favourable.
trates the consequences that may ensue when a State allows itself to be drawn into trivial issues divergent from its main policy. Nicholas, therefore, assumed with confidence that he would meet with no opposition from the Kaiser.